AMERICANISM RETURNS

Patriotism Rekindled

During the 1970s the loss of the war in Vietnam sank deeply into the national consciousness, but in the 1980s President Ronald Reagan and the New Right brought back into fashion the traditional virtue of patriotism. President Reagan called for renewed pride in the United States and its military might, announcing that "America is back and standing tall" as Republicans celebrated "Morning in America." The newly elected president connected to a mood in the country in which many were clearly ready to demonstrate their old-fashioned pride in being Americans. One of the first national events to unleash this new patriotic fervor was the release of the U.S. embassy hostages in Iran, minutes after the inauguration of President Reagan in January 1981. Their homecoming was cause for great national celebration, and Congress passed a joint resolution naming the first week in February "National Patriotism Week." The new mood was unmistakable, as articles with titles such as "What's Right with America" began appearing in popular magazines. In July 1981 Newsweek reported that enlistments in the military were increasing, flag sales were booming, and people were again gustily singing "The Star-Spangled Banner." This renewed patriotism was not limited to older and middle-aged citizens. A Gallup poll found that 81 percent of teenagers surveyed were "very proud" to be Americans. At the Pentagon an official noted, "Patriotism is back. Once again people like to wear a uniform. We're kind of over the Vietnam blahs." A flag seller in New York City said exultantly, "My father, who founded this business in 1947, said he never dreamed in a thousand years he would see this much business." A Rutgers University political scientist who warned against the dangers of excessive patriotism nevertheless observed, "People are tired—and rightly so—of defeatism, negativism, of powerlessness, and are anxious to regain control of America's destiny." This powerful new Americanism was captured in Lee Greenwood's immensely popular song "God Bless the USA," which he sang at the 1984 Republican National Convention.

Vietnam Revisited

In his final televised appeal to the nation before his election in 1980, Reagan declared that the Vietnam War, which had caused such profound divisions among Americans, was in fact "a noble cause." Following this lead, the conflict that had caused such a wound in the national psyche was reexamined by some and newly defended or gradually rehabilitated by others. In the revived debate about Vietnam, perceptions tended to shift in favor of those who had fought the war and—in the view of many Americans—never been sufficiently recognized for their sacrifices. Even many of those who had been deeply critical of the war observed that their argument had been with U.S. policy, not the men and women of the armed services. The Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, D.C., dedicated in November 1982, helped to foster a sense of national healing. In May 1985, ten years after the U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam, a huge ticker-tape parade for twenty-five thousand Vietnam veterans in New York City drew one million spectators, some with signs saying "Welcome Home!" Movies about the war became popular: Sylvester Stallone starred in two phenomenally successful Rambo films (1985, 1988), sequels to the less-popular First Blood (1982). Other Vietnam movies, new books, articles, and television documentaries explored the tangled history of the war. In the eyes of many, being a Vietnam veteran became a badge of honor. Candidates for public office proudly cited their wartime service; editorial cartoons suggested that a politician who had not served in Vietnam could not be elected.

Platoon.

Into this new climate of reexamination stepped filmmaker and Vietnam veteran Oliver Stone, whose 1986 movie Platoon mesmerized audiences, renewed fierce controversy over the war, earned critical raves, won four Academy Awards (including the award for best picture), and grossed $160 million at the box office. The unflinching portrayal of the war in Platoon raised profound moral questions about the exercise of American power in Southeast Asia and about the actions of some U.S. soldiers in that conflict. Some veterans claimed the movie was filled with misconceptions, while others claimed it was the first to show what the war was "really like." One veteran told a Time correspondent it was a relief for him to be able to share the nightmare he had lived and still not shaken. Whatever their political persuasions, audiences across the country were moved and sobered by the movie, which did not, however, reverse the gradually increasing acceptance of the Vietnam War as "a noble cause." Patriotism remained strong throughout the decade, proving that conservative Republicans had indeed tapped into a deeply nationalistic mood that had been searching for expression. In 1986 another highly visible sign of the nation's patriotic leanings was seen in the extravagant celebration for the centennial of the Statue of Liberty in New York Harbor.

The Iran-Contra Debate

Patriotism also figured in the debate that surrounded the testimony of Lt. Col. Oliver North in congressional hearings about the unlawful use of funds and resources to ransom hostages and to aid the Contra forces opposing the Marxist government of Nicaragua. Many Americans praised North's actions in support of what he believed was right as true patriotism, while others suggested his actions were a subversion of the democratic process on which the nation was founded and represented a shallow or even false patriotism.

Pledging Allegiance

During the 1988 presidential campaign, Republican candidate George Bush proved that the rekindled Americanism of the decade was still a potent force. In May, after the Democratic and Republican nominations were virtually sewn up, Bush criticized his opponent, Michael Dukakis, governor of Massachusetts, for vetoing a state bill that would require teachers to lead their students in recitation of the Pledge of Allegiance. The bill did not forbid students to recite the pledge, and Dukakis had vetoed it because it was clearly an unconstitutional violation of the teachers' right to free speech; but Bush gained considerable mileage from claiming that Dukakis was against the Pledge of Allegiance and thus was unpatriotic. The Bush campaign orchestrated photo opportunities at flag factories, and at the Republican National Convention the candidate finished his address by asking everyone to join him in the Pledge of Allegiance. Some critics snickered at the Republican Party attempt to "wrap itself in the flag," but flag-waving proved a potent campaign issue and was one of the chief factors in Bush's come-from-behind victory over Dukakis. After the election Republican leaders in Congress passed a resolution to begin every session of Congress with the Pledge of Allegiance. Sales of the American flag soared again as the fall of Communist governments in Eastern Europe and democratic reforms in the Soviet Union suggested to many that the United States was on the verge of becoming a major leader in a new world order.

A Tradition of Dissent

The renewed patriotic fervor of the 1980s did not preclude strong dissent from some Americans who judged themselves as patriotic as any other citizens but opposed many Reagan administration policies. For them genuine patriotism did not mean uncritical, unquestioning support for the government. Through the 1980s many citizens protested cutbacks in domestic social programs under the so-called Reagan revolution, and there was also sustained and vocal protest of the reacceleration of the arms race and the vast increase in the defense budget, as well as the Reagan administration's involvement in the Iran-Contra scandal and its policies toward Central America in general, which, critics charged, favored right-wing, reactionary governments.